Guarani indians jesuit relations
A tribute census listed caciques in 19 missions, and later censuses enumerated equally larger numbers of clan chiefs see Table 2. In other instances the missionaries themselves directly challenged shaman. This essay examines the similar process of social and cultural change and religious conversion on the Jesuit missions of Paraguay and the Chiquitos frontier of what today is eastern Bolivia, in the Province of Paraguay. You are already subscribed to this email. Processions in the Paraguay and Chiquitos missions may have been similar. The works exhibited were produced by Guarani Indians under the guidance of the missionaries established in what it is today the border of Argentina, Brazil, and Paraguay. According to the Jesuit missionary Martin Dobrizhoffer , they practiced cannibalism at one point, perhaps as a funerary ritual, but later disposed of the dead in large jars placed inverted on the ground.
Each town was efficiently laid out according to an established formula that provided, in addition to the central plaza, cathedral, cloister, and produce garden, well organized living quarters for the Indians.
He suggested that outrageous as they were, the instructions must be the result of a Portuguese plot, not the genuine mandate of the Spanish king. Osaka: National Museum of Anthropology, Moreover, the clan chiefs shared power in the mission communities with the Jesuits through a cabildo town council on the model of the pueblos de indios.
The Jesuits secured a royal decree restoring the disputed mission territory to Spanish jurisdiction. The tribute censuses provide tantalizing clues.
Finally, Kurupi is a phallic mythological figure who will copulate with young women. The Jesuits reported on participation in religious precessions and feast days, and also measured progress through rote memorization of prayers. None survive from the Paraguay or Chiquitos missions, but images from other locations provide indications of their content. In —89 St. Finally, in order to prevent the residents of the missions from having to leave to earn money, the Jesuits used communal resources to pay the tribute of the mission residents. The Spanish referred to the clan chiefs as caciques, and a modified form of the clan structure persisted in the missions. At the same time there were a small number of natives settled on the mission from outside of the community. How did natives who viewed these images respond to them? Among other things, this promise implied the obligation to evacuate seven Jesuit missions with some 30, Guaranis. Iron tools and new allies, Guaranis thought, would make their lives more secure. In the Mamelucos discovered a new line of attack from the south. In reporting conversion statistics and compliance with sacraments, the missionaries appear to have believed that the natives fully embraced the new faith. As late as the s, priests stationed on the ex-missions recorded the name of the cacicazgo of the parents of recently born children, and tribute censuses recorded the mission populations by family group and cacicazgo see Tables 3 and 4. At that time, they were sedentary and agricultural, subsisting largely on manioc , maize, wild game, and honey.
Social Structure on the Missions Some early missionaries in the sixteenth century envisioned the New World as a tabula rasa blank slate upon which to erect a utopian society reminiscent of the primitive Christian communities in the Mediterranean Basin in the first centuries following the crucifixion of Jesus, and during the periods of persecution at the hands of the Romans.
The Jesuits also emphasized compliance with certain sacraments as the measure of religious conversion on the Chiquitos missions.
Guarani indians jesuit relations
The Jesuit superior of the Paraguay missions was responsible for preparing annual summary censuses of the population and vital rates of the individual Paraguay missions. At the same time the Chiquitos missions had a social-political structure similar to the Paraguay missions, also based on the model of the politically autonomous pueblos de indios. Seven years of guerrilla warfare killed thousands of them see Guarani War. Michael the Archangel slaying Satan is a common enough sight in Latin American churches, but this was the first time I had seen the Devil portrayed as a hermaphroditic being — clearly male from the waist down and female from the waist up. The account has demons in hell greeting the native as a former adherent to the old beliefs that the demons had taught the natives. At that time, they were sedentary and agricultural, subsisting largely on manioc , maize, wild game, and honey. Lesser members of Guaranis who left Jesuit missions did the same, but after the departure of Jesuits in and , mission Guaranis also slowly dispersed into northern Argentina, Uruguay, and western Brazil and became ancestors of the popular classes of those republics. At the same time the missionaries on the frontiers experienced unique challenges dictated by such factors as climate, the levels of social and political organization of the different native groups, and conflict with hostile natives and rival colonial powers. Father Gabriel wants to protect the Guarani peacefully, and believes…. This covert role may, in turn, explain the enthusiasm the Jesuits reported of the residents of the Chiquitos missions who wanted to join the congregaciones. A detailed census of the Chiquitos missions recorded the population by parcialidades, and in a number of cases natives recorded as being from the same parcialidad lived at different missions see Table 5. Instructional texts generally contained these concepts in Spanish, and it was up to the missionaries to teach the natives their meaning as best they could.
Inthe war between Spain and Portugal encouraged another Paulista attack to gain territory for Portugal. This politics of population transfer to a territory whose submission to Europeans was not yet determined—it was unclear whether it would fall under one European power or the other—implicated the Guaranis in European debates.
Archaeological excavations at Soledad mission showed a higher retention of traditional native culture as the role of the missions changed. Several other Indian rebellions followed but were unsuccessful, partly because many other Guaranis allied themselves with Spaniards.
The Jesuits recognized their higher social status through symbols of authority and special privileges afforded them.
This restiveness was probably the reason why, eventually, most Guaranis refused to abandon their villages. The Jesuits periodically congregated or resettled non-Christians, often from considerable distances from the mission communities. It was further enhanced by the activities of the Jesuit order, whose members began in the s congregating the natives of the region into missions. To begin with, the communities were self sufficient, producing not only adequate sustenance for their survival, but also commercial crops, such as yerba mate, which were marketed by the priests. The mission residents readily incorporated the congregaciones into their practice of Catholicism, and may have used the congregaciones to provide cover for the preservation of some traditional religious-social practices, including the role of clan chiefs in public rituals such as the burial described in the report. A detailed census of the Chiquitos missions recorded the population by parcialidades, and in a number of cases natives recorded as being from the same parcialidad lived at different missions see Table 5. Missionaries believed that traditional religious practices were inspired by Satan and his demonic minions, and employed graphic images of hell to persuade natives to abandon their old religion. At the same time the missionaries on the frontiers experienced unique challenges dictated by such factors as climate, the levels of social and political organization of the different native groups, and conflict with hostile natives and rival colonial powers. From the very beginning of the missionary program the Jesuits stationed on the Paraguay missions received instructions to incorporate chapels dedicated to Our Lady of Loreto in the urban plans for the mission complexes, and chapels, such as those at Loreto and Santa Rosa missions, played a central role in processions similar to the capillas de posa in sixteenth-century central Mexican convents. The reports prepared by the Jesuit missionaries provide no clues as to the ways that the natives themselves perceived, processed, and incorporated the new religion into their world view, and the relationship between the new faith and their traditional beliefs.
Natives were to be followers in a faith presided over by non-native religious specialists, and the Jesuits aggressively challenged the authority and influence of traditional native religious leaders. Although this partition of a community across national boundaries is a historical phenomenon more common than most assume, there is something particularly telling in this case.
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